Steven Alan Samson

Ph.D. in Political Science, researcher and publicist

Breaking the Long Truce

The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element of democratic society. Those who manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the ruling power of our country.[1] – Edward Bernays, 1928Ressentiment is directed at something which at the deepest level of his being the individual recognizes as good. Although there may be evil mixed with it (as in the sinful preacher), it is not the evil which is hated primarily but the good. Dwelling on the evil is ressentiment’s ploy for attacking the good.[2] – James Hitchcock, c. 1983 More

A Primer on Political Economy

Steven Alan Samson

Economist Walter E. Williams learned a principle of success by missing lunch. “At 13, I was a typical barbarian growing up in the slums of Philadelphia”, he recalls. “My mother supported us by working as a maid. Frivolous consumption often meant that I’d used up my school‑lunch funds by midweek, so I’d go to Mom to borrow money. Finally, one day Mom said ‘You knew you’d have to buy lunch when you spent the money’ and refused to fork over a dime. Saddled with what I was sure was the most callous mother on Earth, I went without lunch the rest of the week. I never frittered away my food money again – taking my first step toward civilization.” More

Revolt of the Disdained: Sovereignty or Submission

Steven Alan Samson

The 2016 presidential election hinged on the return of overlooked or marginalized middle-class and working-class Democrats and independents – many of whom had earlier supported Richard Nixon and Ronald Reagan – to reinvigorate traditional patriotism and help form a new “populist-conservative fusion in rural and industrial areas” within the Republican party. Donald Trump’s political fortunes rest to a considerable degree on his ability to secure broad public support while maintaining the loyalty of his original coalition of the disdained. More

Stealing into Power by Opposition to Power

Steven Alan Samson

Two acute observers of the American system and its decentralized character were Alexis de Tocqueville, who with his friend Gustave de Beaumont traveled through America for around nine months while studying America’s prisons, and Francis Lieber, a German émigré who met with them in Boston over the course of several days in September 1831.[1] The first published fruits of their budding relationship were Lieber’s translation and notes to Beaumont and Tocqueville’s On the Penitentiary System in the United States (1833) followed by Lieber’s Letters to a Gentleman in Germany (1834), which reproduced and embellished at least one of their conversations.[2] Lieber sent along with them several completed volumes of his Encyclopaedia Americana (13 vols., 1829-1833). Tocqueville likely drew on some of this material for his two-volume Democracy in America (1835, 1840).[3] More

The Restless Desire of Power for Power

Steven Alan Samson

Today, the regulatory operations of central governments impinge upon virtually all areas of life, leading to widespread efforts by interest groups to have their vision of the good life implemented through law and regulatory oversight. Much of the resulting fiscal, educational, and social intervention is largely invisible to the electorate. Nevertheless, what Thomas Hobbes called “the restless desire of power for power” has set into motion an insatiable empire of debt and dependency, redistribution and retribution, while it divides and rules. More

Protecting Fiscal and Constitutional Integrity

Steven Alan Samson

Liberty thrives under rule of law when it applies equally to all. What Francis Lieber called institutional liberty hinges on a willingness of the public and their leaders to recognize and uphold constitutional limitations on the state. Civil liberty and self-government suffer when the law is misused as an ideological instrument to remold society. Given the relative ease with which institutions are captured and diverted from their original purposes, political courage is required to resist, oppose, and reverse any acquired needs or rights which might result. Two 19C American exemplars of principled resistance to plunder are President Grover Cleveland and Justice Stephen Field. More

The Grapes of Parnassos: Is the West Withering on the Vine?

Steven Alan Samson

The West – what Philip Rieff called “church civilization” – is succumbing to the false fruits of cultural revolutions which succeed in part because the passing of a single generation is all it takes to wipe the slate and in part because its custodians lack the requisite faith and courage to resist. First, the public memory fades or is subtly reinterpreted. Then, citizens fail to convey the wealth of their experience and tradition through nurturing, teaching, and testing. Finally, they even neglect to produce heirs to carry the enterprise forward. More

Political and Economic Fallacies: A Tribute to Sir Roger Scruton

Steven Alan Samson

Adam Smith’s invisible hand, Frederic Bastiat’s essay “What Is Seen and What Is Unseen,” Michael Polanyi’s Tacit Dimension, Friedrich Hayek’s “spontaneous order,” and the Christian doctrines of subsidiarity and sphere sovereignty – these are ideas we ignore at our peril. We may not understand exactly how they work, but, as Shakespeare put it in another context in Hamlet: “There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio, than are dreamt of in your philosophy.” More

Complicity and Complacency: American Liberalism’s Radical Turn

Steven Alan Samson

What will it take to bring politics back down to earth? We must stop lifting it to heaven! In this age of political religions, all ideologies are best seen as Christian heresies. Since man is made in the image of God, all imitate, covet, even worship this image. Idolatry in its countless forms is at the root of their power and popular appeal. More

The Rise of the Administrative State

Steven Alan Samson

Before the Great Depression, President Calvin Coolidge restated an earlier vision of America which had been memorialized at Independence Day celebrations for 150 years. In his sesquicentennial address entitled “The Inspiration of the Declaration,” he described the convictions which shaped the thinking of the ordinary people who agreed together to separate from imperial Britain: “They were a people who came under the influence of a great spiritual development and acquired a great moral power.” More specifically, the President stated: “No one can examine this record and escape the conclusion that in the great outline of its principles the Declaration was the result of the religious teachings of the preceding period.” Coolidge concluded with this observation: More